John Monaghan and Peter Just SOCIAL AN D CULTURAL ANTH ROPOLOGY A Very Short Introduction OXFORD VNl\'U.s rn "RHSS OXFORD VN'VHJITY nUl CIIy PInS 1>. ~ ......t of ~ lIn~"ity of OdCHd • 'IIIlh.ntH UniooeJe<:u.eof _~ in ~dI.><_jp. .ond tduc","", by J>IbIiic:o City Murnbti Noirobi SJo P....... Sh.IngIwi bipoI 10k,., Toronm 00./0Id II a "_d tlily P_ 10 tM IJI( iMd 10 <...... Qlh"'ollhe ....lhor t.- been ....".Ird o'mb.... tight O. loiIy P-. (mow..) fn, pJbIi>hed ... .., O>bity p~, _ _ 2000 AU ,~u .....""'d No port o"h;,; publig rA Cl>;f<>,fy ~.'ed by I..... or ....d.. te"", "!I,.td ";!h the >w<<>p<1>te fOl>log(;op~!<, ~9ht' or",",~ kIn,_ {nqui~.. (1)'1<<<..09 '''I'fodudion ......,. the 'WIle of ,ne .oa.. ,hood be ,...., to Ill< Riil'h D'I'ilrtment. O.tOld UrIv..5ily P,.... . 1t!>e .Ot Orculollt ~,I. ""'*in any <>the< tir>ding or ''''''e< ..1<1)'0\1 "",,,.,,,,,,,,,, Ih~ ..me qry 01(",,11'"" COIoIOJ9O>g in "....bliution Dot• .......oghon. JoI>n. Sodol ."d ,,,"-..,01 MlIhrot>dovY: • v"-"Y >hoot ",Ol>\'waJlling a stimulating and .Kce ss~1e way in to ~ I>eW swjed. They are written by experts. and h.Jve been publlslYd in more th"" 25 liIIlgU~worIdwide. The series begMlln 1995. ""d nowrepr~enb a widev..-iety of topics In history. phWosopt,.. religion. sdcnce. ""d the hlfllanitie5.. Over ltv. next k'W)'N1'S It '1111 glOlN to a library of alOUnd 200 vokJlnes - a Vf!fy Short Introduc.tIoo to~th-.g froma",ient Egypt.nd Indion philosojtJy to coouplwl art and cosmology. Very Short Introductions iJII.hble nON: ANCH NT PHILOSO PH Y JuWa Ann.as TH[ ANGLQ.SAXON AG E )ohn 6I.J1r ANI f'ML RIGHTS D.rJdOeGruia ARCHAEOlOGY PaJl6a1Yl ARCH IT(CTU RE MOrew 8aHolI1t)l\'1e ARI STOTLE )ooathan 8arre ART H ISTORY Canol Arnold ARTYi'! t ORY Cynthia Freeland TH[HISTO RY O r M TRO NOMY Mimacl Hollcln ATi'! [ ISM JLilall Baggl"; AUGUST INE HmryChadwid< BARTH ES Jonathan Culler THE BIBLE John~lchl5 BRITISH PO LlTI C$ AnlhmyWright BUDDHA Michael Cani:hers BUDDHISM o"rnlenKeown CA PITA LI$M JMTIeS rLimer T H[ CELTS BoIIl)' Cuniffe CHOIC[ T H EORY MichaelAlingh.am CH RISTIAN A RT Beth WilwlTl§Ol1 CLASSICS Mary Beard and john Hendmon CLAUS(W ITZ Mchael Howard TH ECOLD 'liAR Robert McM"hon CONTIN ENTAL PH ILOSO PHY Simon Critchley COSMOLOGY PeterCoies CRYPTOGRAPHY f rtd Piper and Sean Murphy DADA AND SURREALI SM OiM(l fioc*in' DARWIN pnatna., Howard D(MOCRACY Bernard Crick D( S(ART[S Tom Sorell DRUGS leslie """rsen TH «ARTH Martin Ri!dfern (GYPTIAN MYTHOLOGY Geraldine Pinch [IGHT( NTH-([NTU RY 5RITA IN PilUl Lmgford TH[ [l[M [NTS PMipBa" [MOTI ON Dylan [vans [MPI RE StephenHowe ENGELS Tern.1I Carver [THI CS SimonBLKkbum T HE (U ROP[AN UNIO N John Pinder EVOlUTION Brion and Deborah CharlHNa-th FASCISM Kevin PaSSIl'Dn': TH( fRENCH REVO LUTI O N William D~ f REU D AnthonyStDrr GALILEO Stilmao Or~ GAN DHI ltJildo by 1.0.", St...., , A. R. Radcliffe-Brown 60 15 An Offering to the Spirits d the Mountain Cl "'Ie<"'" 16 Ely Parker ,,' Harvesting Rice in Donggo Cl l\>tr. "'" '35 Evei)' effort has been made to Wfltact copyright holders. If notified. the publisher will be pleased to amend the iKknov.oledgements in arr,' future edition List of Maps 1 IrdonesLa 1 2 SumbilWiI S 3 MexicD sOOwIng Cl.locaca region 7 4 The MOctK a 7 A Very Short Introduction For O\Ier twenlyyear5 we have been talking about what anthropology Is, how to do II. and how best to communicate what we know. This dialogue began when we were gr\1> , M " GUERRERO (.'1> \ / 1Je1eca AlIa 1o,e \ I ~y. I , . T""iaco, --- -, '--- I o NI,I)'OQ • Oaxaca City ----- 0MixI." -, -- __ de (,a ----____ _ COsta - , PACIFIC OCEAN The Mixteca N t Despite the difficulties of life in these circumstances Peter and Anne found the Oou Oonggo to be warm, generous, and ever ready to tease and joke. With the help of a rather roguish village headman. !\oter and Anne were able to borrow a Ilouse whiCh they furnished with goods available In Blma Town - Including a kerosene st~ that created a minor sensation. as everyone else ~ the village cooked Octec spea~s, who number just oYer 400,000, are the third largest Indigenous group In Meltico. ln the siltleenth century the MiJetec were divided into dozens of small kingdoms whose ruling elite patronized one of the finest artistic traditions in the New Work!. We know a great deal about pre--conquest Milltec life from the large corpu~ of Milltec books that sUNilied and because Mix:tec ~CJibe~ continued to produce works using the native script for amost eighty years after the Spanish took oYer. Mter their conquest by the Spanish, the Milttec wffered a catastrophic demographic collapse, as millions 01people throughout the Americas succumbed to Old World diseases and the abuse they suffered at the hands 01colonialists. Although the Mixtec population •< has grown since the end of the sixteenth centUl)', it is still not the size It ~ was before the arrival of the Spanish. The Mll(teca. the homeland Milttec speakers share with several other Indigenous groups as well as communities of mestizos and Afro· Mexicans. Is ecologically dillerse, having a broad coastal savannah. tropical forests. high, pine-forested mountains, fertile rlver·beds. and arid deserts. TI"e Mixtec ive scattered acrOH the landscape in small towns and villages. Santiago Nuyoo, the village where john has done most of his fieldwork, has a population of about 3,000 people. with about a quarter of its inhabitants Iilling in the tONn centre and the rest distributed among rflle hamlet5. Nuyoo and its neighbour Santa Maria Yucuhltl sit at the head of a narrow canyon, with beautifulwaterfalls flowing down the canyon sides. The lancl$cape iselttremeiy rocky and there are almost no level plots (Nuyootecos will often say goodbye to one another by calling out 'don't fal'). But ONilg ID its relatively low elevation and abundant rainlall the area is known as the "garden 01the Mkteca'. Oranges, mangoes, and zapote grow wild, rare orchids cling to the trees. and a pine forest CoYerS the surrounding mountains. Nuyoolecos specialize In the cultivation of maize, almost all of it grown , • { -i ~, through swldden techniques; they also grow cash crops, principally bananas and coffee, Although wage migration has been a fact of life for the Mildec for hundreds of years, Since the 195°S i1creasing numbers d NU)QOtecos haYe left the MixteQ: at first they travelled to Veracruz and Morelos to find work harvesting cdk-e and other-cropS; then in the 19605 they began to tr;Jile! to Mexico City where they worked in bakeries. factories, and in the service ecOflomy; and finally in the late 198os. a few men made their w"'1 t o the United St ates where they worked on a ranch in Texas. )ohn'S Jl'search focused on how Nuyootecos maintain a strong sense of community in the face of these changes and dislocations. Although )ohn's wife, the archaeologist laura Junker, did nOl live with .f him during his Initial period of fieldwork (she was purSUing her Ph.D. In ' 1.: anthropology), she did spend several mont hs in Nuyoo. Later, after their _ children were born, the whole family came to t he Mixteca to visit. Uke iu 2. Nailuu Esperanu Sarabia olthe Perez Sarabia family grinding (orn in the early morning hours in her kitchen. Naiiuu, ' mother of the community', Is a title given to lhosewomen who, along wilh their husbands. have served in the major civil and Jl'lIglous offICes of the tlM'n gwernment. " the Oou Oonggo, the Mi~tec enj(7y' a good joke, and despite the numerous photographic e~says of indigenou~ Mexican people that portray everyone with grim, determined, or OYerwhelmed looks on their faces. when they are among tllemsei...es Nuyootecos turnout to be great pranksters .loci masters d uoclerstatement. John realized he had final.,. got the measure of them after meeting a group of men on a path outside town. They asked him what kind of food he and his wife were goi09 to serve at an upcoming fiesta they were ho~ting. )ohn and l aur.l were able to afford to serve choiCe cuts of meat, but they were, at the same time. outsiders with strange tastes. john managed to deli....... his reply. ·we are going to slaughter a couple d thin aocl mangy dogs'. with so little change of expresSion that the men ail jlaused before going off hooting with Laughter. john owes much of what he knows about the MKtec to the Perez Sarabission. He was as5el.sed a minor tinr and was made 10 ~ belore I...... MonP: begging Iorgiw-ness. SM gaw him a symbok slolp on the head, in;! he wiS let go. Lat~ thoat alterroon. I dOllied with a friend. I said. 'Wasn't thoat terrble. what 101 Nindoe did. assaulting I...... Mone like that r He answered. "Yes. It was. BlA)'OI.I know he ne.oer feal~ hit her: Iwas surpri5ed. WIlat about the tom shirl ind her fiKeT, I asl folthe Mines ond the Mines (of IJI: June Nash's description of BoI",lan Un miners and the w"'ls in which transnational economic processes affect their lives (1979). 8eomtimes ond Ufetlmes Sharon Traweek's account of the WOJld of high-energy J>hysldsts (1988). Tliloml: PorlToit of 0 Moroccon Vincent Crapanzano's ethno· graphic biography describes his encounter with 'an illiterate Moroccan tllemakerwho believes himself married to a camel· footed she-demon' (1980). In the RI?olm of theDiomond Queen Anna Tsing's study of politica l and cultural marginality, linking a Borneo people to the Indone· sian nation and the global politics of 'modernization' (1993). The Channeling Zone: Americon SpirituoNty in on AnxiOUS Age Michael F. Brown presents a fascinating look at the lives and ecperlences of New Age 'channellers' and thei r place in contempora ry Am erlca n spiritual life (1997). M€duso's Holr Gilnanath Obeyesekere brings inSights from psy· choanalysls to bear on 'personal symbols and religious experi· ence' among ecstatic priests and priestesses in Sri Lanka (1981). this Isoften a protracted and diffICult process. during wl"lc:h more than a few projects have foondefed. Once the ethnographer has found a source offunding for the pt"oject, it is often necessary toserure a variety of permits from various levels 01govemment, beal research Institutions. and the host community. This can consume more than a ~r of the ethnographer's time, before he or she even sets foot in the field site. One colleague carrying out a research pt"oject at the " headquarters of a major Industrial concern needed to have his proposal reviewed by the OOmpOfaUon i'l Philadelphia. •The ethnographer faces more subtle difficulties. too. locally powerful o Individuals may try to use the ethnographer as a prize or a paWTl In their .g,rivalries. Members d the community may have an exaggerated Idea of -•o what the ethnographer can do for them. and make persistent demands j that cannot be met. At the same time. the ethnographer often experiences the great JOJ of milking new friends and the thrill of seeing and doing things he orshewould never otherwise have been able to see or do. As a day-to.oayeJgraphic subtectivity be overcome?The origins of participant observation as the hallmark method of anthropology began at the end of the last century CIS an attempt to compensate for the variable reliability of descriptiOns of r1On.Western peoples. Not content to rely on tr~ellers' tales, misoonary accounts, and official colonial reports d 'customs and m,mners·. W. H. lt Rivers, Bronislaw MaUnowskl. Franz Boas, and others among the foundersof modem professional anthropology Insisted on the first-hand collection of ethnographic data by trained obsenK!fs. lt was their hope that training would suffice to compensate lor the prejudices 01the observer. In the 1951 edition of the RoyalAnthropologicallnstitute's Not.es and Queries on Anthropology the uninitiated were told that 'amateurs untrained in anthrop:Jlogy ... are apt to assume that they are free from bias. This. " •o ~ ,-•o J • however, is far from the case; without a scientifIC training their observiltlon will certailly be hampered I.1y' preconceived attitudes of mind,' Standardized categories for data collection, such as those preserted il Notes and Queries and tile Human RelationsArea Files' Outlineo{ Cultural Material5, had been created in an attempt to overcome observer bliIS and ensure the comparability of data collected by diflefent ethnographers, In the 19JOS some American anthropologists even went so far as to undergo psychoarlillysis before fiektNolk il an attempt to 'calibrate' the instrument of data collection, a practiCe quiCkly abandoned, Other notable attempts to OV(!f'(ome these epislI'mOlogical problems have IndJded re-studies and studies undertaken by teams of .f ethnographers, 001" would think thilt iI scientific approach to gathering ' 1.: ethnogrilphlc data would encourilge anthropologists to re-study _ communities that had been studied bebre by otherethoographers as a iu check against sl.bjectivlty or bias, But thiSis larfrom common, To some extent this has been due to a sense of urgency among anthropologists 1 to conduct 'salvoge ethnogrophy', Many have been concerned that most j 01 the world's smaller societies ilnd trilditional ways 01 IiiI' are fast disappearing and that it is more important to record those that have never been studied than to confirm results ak-eady collected, It must also be admitted that many anthropologists were f..st attracted to the field 11)' the romantic image of the lone, intrepid explorer, and that an unspoken ethnographiC 'machismo' has attached itself to those who have studied tile preYiou~ unstudied, There has been, altogether, an understandable II misguided sense of proprietorship on the part d an ethnographer br 'tis' o r 'her people' whiCh has made it very diffKutt IOfone ethnographer to 'poadl' on the 'territory' of another, Finally, it hilS been rare fOf ethnographers working in communities that have been studied before to approach those communities i..erested in precisely the same theoretical or ethnographic issues as their predecesSOfS, And because rocieties can change rapidly, separation in time 01even a few years between iln initial study and the next stu::iy " also makes It difficult for re-studies to provide a check on ethnographic objectivity, On occasion, anthropologists ha~ engaged in the studyof a particular community t7)' a team of researthers, partly to provide greall'r comprehensiveness and partly to compensate fOf individual OOsE'IVer bias. The 'Modjolroptiation' of indigenous rultural knowledge. AR." Indigenous peoples entitled to copyright knowledge that has tradlionally been in the pubk domain? Should communities be able to exercise control over the publication 01cultural knowledge? Should they be entitled to pass binding editorial judgement on the Interpretations ethnographers make? AIe ethnographers obliged to " share what profits, If any, they IT\(lke from the sale of ethnographic accounts with the subjects of their accourts? Ultimately. we Mote to confront m()I{' general ethical issues. To whom does an ethnographer owe hlsor her greatest allegiance? Is it to the people studied. to the SOo'ereign government of the country where research takes place, to the agency or foundation that funds the ethnographer's research, to the academic or research institution that employs the ethnographer, or to the community of scholars to whiCh the ethnographer belongs? Should ethnographers be expected only to add to humanity's knowledge of itself or should they be expected to provide more tangible benefits to the IX'OPle they study or to the world at large? Should ethnographen be held to it higher standard than the one applied to Journalists, filmmakers, or photographers who also report on t heir fellow human beings? These, too, are unresolved questions, subject to lively deoote. What can we expect 01 ethnography and the ethnographer? For all of the claims made for and against the products 01 participant observation. anthropology has aMr"fs relied on what amourts to a good-faith effort on the part of ethnographers to tell their stories as fully and honestly as possible. Similarly, we have relied on the common decency of ethnographers to act with due regard for the intl'grity of their profession. We all recogn~e that complete descriptive object;"ity Is Impossible. that a comprehensl."e understanding of any society or culture Is unattainable, and that ethiCill problems are more eilsily posed than resolved. That we continue to pose these questions is perhaps the best Indication of the lundamenl:i!l heillth of arthropology as beth an academic discipline and a hum.mistic enterprise. " •o ~ ,-•o J • Chapter 2 Bee Larvae and Onion Soup: Culture When Iconsider Thy '-ens, thewor1

ever pa~eth throogh the paths of the seoos, Psalm 8:)-8 Even f we take the psalmist's triumphalism with a grain of salt, it Is hard to de!,¥ that Homo sopiensls an unusual species in the natural history d this planet. Other species are faster, stronger, better adapted In their err.ironments ~ physique and instinct than we are. What is it, then, thai separates oor spedes from all others1 There are many ttings about humans that are unique. But perhaps the rTlOSt extraordinary characteristic is our capacity to conceptualiU' the world and to communicate those conceptions symbolically. Anthropologists, especially tt-ose trained In the American tradition, call this capacity 'culbJre' , " What is 'Culture'? Howeverwe define cultull!, most anthropologists agll!e that it has to do with those aspects of human cognitiOn and activity that are derived from what we learn as members of society, keeping in mind that one learns a great deal that one is never explidtfy taught. Indeed. no species has as protracted a period of infantile and juvenile dependence, a period that alows for and Is devoted to the ~ bsorption and transmission of wil'/s of kOOrNiog aid doing, wil'/s that are unique to each society. It Is Impossible to imagine anything beyond ew'f1 a rudimentary technology - such as one based on the manufacbJre of stone tools - in the absence of an excepUonal capadty to conceptualize abstract ideas and communicate them symboliCally, the primary human means lor which Is. of course, language. Our genetically inherited predisposition for language and Sj mbolic communication, and all d the complex socialorganization that it makes possible. has aRowed the human r.Ke • • i•to achieve a kind of Inheritance of acquired characteristics in which the ~ acquisition of knowledge can be cumulative from generation to generation. We hasten to add that thell! have probably been more anthropological definitions of 'culbJre' than there have been anthropologists. The two of us were trained with a sense of culture as 'shared patterns of learned behaviour'. In the Victori;JO era, £doNard 8. Tylor's 1871 deflllition of culture endured essentially unch'ealing a man of (GlIb, I'oncy. and bee laNae. My three friends were busy tearing out pieces d the hille • Including th<:M containing the bee larvae · and popping them Into their mouths. Orle of them sudde~y ~ood up and said 'Wait. we're bei"9lmpolitt.' He reached down inlOlhe hive and pulled 001 iI big gklb ofcomb, lv:lney. and squigglilg bee laNae. He then tUllled to me and !d. If you eat too much of them it makes )OU stupid·' What has this mutual disgust at each other's eating habits got to do with culture? For one thng, it shows that btth Americans and the Mbctec make a distinction between 'food· and ·not·food· in ways that have to do with more than simple considerations ofedibiity, lnsects are In fact not just edible, they are quite nutritious, and onions contain lots of vitamins. This kind of tategOlQation is part rl the work rl cuhult', and it is something that we do not o....y with regard to food. but in etJery other imaginable doma.,. john·s disgust arose because he had learned to categorize Insects as ....emlin· (defWlite/y not food ). while his Mixtec friends were disgusted by onion SOUp because they had learned In classify onions as a 'condiment·, and no molt' SUitable for a meal than a • •bowl of mustard would be lor us and, taken in excess, positively stupefying. But pemaps more tothe point - and here we return In Baas' metaphor of 'cultural glasses' - experience is not simply given to us. For john and his Mlxtec friends, eating is something that is part of a complex system of Ideas, perceptions, norms, values, feelings, and behaviours so that the act of eating is never just about satisfying hunger. but Is also an expression of how we h;we learned to see the world. Culture, like a set ol glClsses, focuses our experience of t he world. Culture is the integral whole consisting of implements and con· sumers' goods, 01constltutlollill chilrtersralt, a total p.1ttern. In her dasslc work, Ibtterns 0(Culture, Benedict compared beliefs and .f Institutions across several societies, noting hov.' differences between ' 1.: cultures were conslstent within a single culture. In other words, _ Benedict felt that the practices, beliefs, and values of a gi~ culture iu differed from otl1ercultures in a consistent and mutually reinforcing way. She could thus characterize the Zuni (southwest Llnited States) as 1 'Apollonlan '. the Kwaklutl (northwest coast of North America) as j ·Dlonyslan'. and the Oobu (southwest PacifK) as 'paranoid schizophrenic'. Although Benedict's approach io> nov.' regarded as too simplistic and reductionlst, because of its teodeocy to view cultures In terms of one or two key themes, it has continued to prove a powerful means for organizing and integrating the minutiae of ethnographic observation. Clifford Geertz is one contemporary anthropologist who has been spectacularly adept with this approach: in one classic: description d Balinese society, lor example, he used cockfighting - a popular form of entertainment in Bali - as an image that also serves to characterize beliefs and practices ranging ITOm the way Balinese men see their sexual potency to the way status hierarchies Ofganize the whole society. In this w~, Geertz is able to show hov.' dio>parate elements 01Balinese culture create a 'labriCof meaning and belief' that Isconsistent and mltually reiflforciog. For Geertz, cultures can be read as texts. much as one might read a IlO\'eI or a poem. Thetrick. according " to Geertz, Is to seek out cultur~1 'texts' th~t the people of the society themselves find compelling - CIS the Balinese Me fClscinClted by cockfighting - Clnd to not only understClnd them CIS they see them, but to see the ways the themes d these 'texts' illumirnte other aspects of the society, Another view of integration hilsCI more rCltionCllistic b.lsis, derived CISIt Is from the linguistic IdeCl of CI grClmmClror set of rules underlying speech. In this Clpproach, culture is often spoken of CIS CI code or progrClm. Thus. culture is integrated by the intemal logiC dthe rules that enable it to be meaningful Clnd pnxluctive, Hence, the hnetlCCln Clnthropologist W,ud Goodenough uses the example of a football game to iliustrClte the goal ofethnographic description , Ifyou want to play football you need In leClrn enough 01the rules Clnd style of playing the gClme to get Cllong with the other players, By Clnabgy Cln ethnogrClpher should C1ipire to learn enough of the social rules Clnd customs of a cult ~e to be able to live in a way acceptable to the people he or she studies. Cu lture. then, consists of standards for deciding what is. stand· ards for deciding what CCln be, stClndards of deciding how one feels about It, standards for deciding what to do about it, and standards for deciding how to go Clbout doing it. W.rd H. Goodenough, 196) Athird concept of I~egration draws on the rdion of a formal system. where elements sta~ ... CI relCltionship of mutual imptication. Robert Murphy once observed: 'Slmpte thoogh it is, the idea that societies are systematized Is central to the sodClI sciences. The systematizatiOfl occurs through the mutual Cldjustment 01norms, ideas, values, aesthetics, and other things culturCll, Clnd it takes place in the arena of Pfactlcal, everyday activity, in the adaptation and accommodation to each other 01waysof behaving.' For example. in Pigs (0, the Ancestors, " • • i• •••, ~ • ROlf Rappaport ilustrated acomplex ecological system in which the elaborilte ritual cycles of the Tsemb,e' caused. as was the case In the anecdote recounted in the last i chapter. u 1 In addition to these aspects of cultur.ll relati\lism we must also entertain j the mOr.ll dimensions of cultur.ll relativism. If the way one perceives the world Is a product of one's culture, then even more so are the beliefs. \lalues. and social norms that gO/ern one's beha\liour. On what basis. then. can aff)' one society claim a monopoly on moral truth or claim to hil\le discovered a superior set d norms and values?8ehaviour that might be nonsensical, illegal, or immoral in one society might be perfectly r.ltlonal and sociallj accepted in another. The only reasonable thing todo, It WOlJId seem, Is to suspend any judgement of the practices of another society. But this is not as simple a matter as it may seem to be. For one thing. we Immediately re-eocoonter the problem of determining where cultural boundaries might be drawn. a particularly difficult matter in tod",,'s world in which global patterns of migration and diaspora have led to the possibility of truly multicultural societies. How do we deal with the stranger i1 our midst w1len that stranger's culture Is mOfOllly differert from our own? At what poirt are segmeots 50 of a given community entitled to a cI~im of cultural distinctiveness that demands autonomy and respect? Are soccer hooligans orterrorisu entitled to claim the protection of cultural relativism? Must we in the name of cultural relativism refrain from acting aganst ancient and traditional cultural practices in others that we see as oppressing a segment or class of that sodety? Culture Is ••• learned. adaptable• ..ymbolic behil\liour. based on a full..f1edged language, assOCiated with technical inveotillt'· ness. a complex of skliis that In turn depends on a capadty to organize exchange relaUCKlshil'S between communities ... Adtween 1906 and 1908. A few years later he participated in an expedition to Western Australia. where he concentrated on kinship and family organization. Radcliffe-Brown spoent most of his academiC (afee- away from the UK. teaching at the univef"sitil'"S of (ape Town, Sydney. and Chicago. He finally returned to Britain to take it position at Oxford In 1937. Radcliffe-Brow n was profoundly influenced by the sociology of tmlle Durkhelm. Throughout his career he was primarily interested In socialstructure - the formal rules 9""erning the relationsh Ips wlthl n soclely. HI s most brilli,lnt work involved the analysis of structural 'problems', such Irth, as In the sodal and economic relationship between a serf and his maste.-.ln modern SOCiety, howeye.-, SOCial and economic relationships were subject, within limits, to negotiation between the parties concerned such as between industrial workl>rs and their employers. Other scholars stressed otller cootrasts. Ferdinand Tonnies made a distinction similar to Maine·s between Grme/nscha(r (community) and Gesellschaft (society). Lewis Henry Morgan pointed to the difference in an ideology of shared blood as a basis for forming s()(lety·s main groups - as in American Indian societies formed of cians - and SOCieties consisting of groups that stress residence In the same te.-ritory. tmile Durkheim felt that traditional societies were held togethe.- because all their members were basically alike (all hunters or farmers, all descended from a common ancestor, etc.), were Largely self-r.ufficient, and therefore saw themseNi!s In their compatriots. He called this 'mechanical soklarity'. Modem society, according to Ourkhem, is characte.-i2£'d by the WiJoj its institutions create Individwls who Aduals partkipate in groups thfet - or ignore - the facts of proaeatioo in ideologies of kinship. Similar ideologies are often used to create feelings of unity and shared destiny In larger groups. whose members may h....e no traceable genealogkal coonection. Among the most interesting of these is the Hindu caste system. Oassk Hindu cosmology provides a coherent model of a fixed social ordel' thilt combines marriage within Ihe group (and thel'elore shared blood). occupational specialization (and therefore the division of labour in society). and relative deg rees 01spirkual purity •(and therefore hierarchical ranking). In theory every person is born into • I •(such as blacksmiths. wea....ers. and soon). Aperson takesa spouse from ; ajali. a grol.4l which has a localmonopoly on a particular occupation within thejati. as do all of the person's descendants. The variousjalis •are hierarchically ranked with respect to one another. a ranking that Is ~ reinforced in daMy behaviour by prohibitions against higher·caste Individuals taking food ordrink from those of a lower caste. All of this Is supported by an elaborae system of meaning and belief. much of it given spectacular ritual expression. that lies at the heart of Hinduism. In reality. of course. thngs are more fluid and complex, espedally in contemporary India: jotiS are actually far from endogamous, individuals are free to pursue occupations not reserved to a spene (~ed to Istam ~arly in tile se-.flltffflth (mtury. but tile Dou Donggo bt ~rld Large r~11Md to jan them arld rml.llined true to their tlilditio",,1 bo!iefs. In t he put three decades moll 0I11Ie Oou Donggo twYe bewmeeitherMLI$lim orOlrillianwlhvarying COIl'o'Ictlon, but the Iowlilnd BI......ese (J)IltilllH" to regard then with t he IUspicion and contempt rt'1erVed for ilfidels. il this wlc boundony'. The couple who iYed 1>..:. hoUU~1 INIIIj from me ilille ,,~Lage 01 Doro Nlika w~r~ ""med arna BO'i~ and Ina Bose. (The Dou Donggo folow it practice GJlIed 'lekl"lOfl)'my' whereby " 11. The I.a5t Ncuhl. This picture 01101 HIlnte was taken a few years before hisdeat h. He witS t he La~ nOlhl, or 'hlgh priest' in the traditional religioo of the Dou 000990. The «hnlc separateness of the DOll Donggo had long depended on t helrt raditlonal religion and a spe.::ial relationship with t he Sultan of Blma. By t he (In'le La Honle died In 19B] mo!it 000 Donggowere Muslims or Christians and there was no longer a Su Ita n ru ~ng in Bima. !iO it was felt there was little reason to replace t he last nrulli. afte r the birt h of t heir ~~t c h~d p;lrenU are addressed as 'Father or or '~her or tkilt child. So when Bose WilS born his father came to be alled'i!N 80se' iocl his mother .... Bose:) Am. Bose had converted to IsLlm i few yein iI90 1M his son $til 00"" • Irnlilional 0011 Oonggo n.lITle.A year or SO bekwe the time arne b- yotll1<'j Bose to be sent ""'''1 to KhooIln the lowlandshisfather ....11(ItJfJ(:E'd to me and everyone else that hmceiorth Bose wOOd be kl'()Wn as Bakar (a good Muslim n.lme) and thilt he would be ailed arflil Bakar. He was quite open about tho! lact that ho! had dedded this was neressil\l In order lor his son to ha.e a bette! chance at succeeding Inthe Bimanese Kilool ho! would attend. 'f he conUnlEs 10 be GillIed Bose,' my neighbour said, 'his Khooimalfsally to be the most potent basis for communal soIidr the hundreds of participants in the celebration. Because no household can possibly acquire and prepare all the food needed to feed so fJl(Iny guests. Nuyootecos rely on a system of reciprocal exchange, Gliled $(!(I so'o, to finance the fiesta. Forthe one to two years beJore they hold their (MOn fiesta a couple will attend the fiestas sponsored ~ otller NlI)fobably have all experienced a kind ofdiscomfort when in exchanging gifts. say as at ChriStmas. someone gives us a much more liI'o'lsh gift than we hil'o'e lor him or her. Of course this doeso't apply when social relations are already highly asymmetriC: an employee does • not feel uncomfortable when anemployergives a nicer present than the ;employee returns. SO the social relations between the gi...er and the receiver are crucial In deciding the meaning of the gilt. The politics of reciprocity Indic..e thilt exchilnges mat be motNated by something other than the bonds of communal solidarity. The competitive exchanges that took place among Native American groups on the northwest coast d the l)Jited States and Canada in the nineteenth century are a c"se in point. During a celebr"tion c"lIed a potlatch a contendng group would try to gNe its rNal such a large gift that It could not be easily re!)illd. This would demonstrate their superior economic and social power. When these societies experienced a massive Influx of manufactured goods as payment for their partkipatiOn In the fur trade. the frequency "nd st(e of these competilNe exchanges Increased to the point where poUatching was defined by some observers as 'Warring with property'. People who would not nonnally hil'o'e had access to the goods necessary to make large exchanges were suddenly able to make crushingly large gilts to groups and individuals above them In the hler.!rchy. Before being shut down by the colonial '" -•z •, governments, potlatch gifts reached thousands of blankets, tons of food, and vast quantities of local valuables which might be destrc¥ed as well as given to rivals In an effort to demonstraU' the wealth and superiority of the givers. Another way this kind of asymmetry works out is in relations of dependence, whefe people are not able to redprocate at all with maU'rtal goods, In such Instances they m~ only be able to reciprocate with obedience, deference, or loyalty. Where relations of dependence are built Irto a society's sociOe<:onomiC system the result can be what anthropologists call 'clientage', that is, relations between wealthy or powerful palTons and those who depend on them lor material resources or protection, In Its least degrading form patron-client relations retain a .f sense of noblesse oblige on the part of the patron and a genuine loyalty ' 1.: on the part of the client. In the old-fashioned ward po~tics of American _ cities, political patrons provided ,ivil service jobs and services fOf their Immigrant clients in exchange fOf their votes, In more exploitative iu circumstances, clientage can amount to little more than extortion on 1 the part of the patron and, at its exlTeme, dependence can result In a j particular kind of sliNery, where, because people have become so Impoverished that they can no longer support themselves they give themselves 0Ye1' as servants to people who can, As these examples illuslTate, it is diffl(ult to talk about real ('{onomies without taking Into account a number d other aspects of the society in question. since ecoroomk relations are inextricably embedded in the political and social. Part d the problem is that we are so involved in capitalist ('{onomles we tend to assume that the only kind of 'ecooomlc' behaviour Is that of buying and selling in the market. and the only coote)(t lor such activities is the nation-state. But as we have seen. reciprocity can be an equally significant economic principle in human life and a 'uU understanding 01economic life in mall)' societies would have to take account d a range rJ oon-maltet transactions such as marriage pa)ments, gWt exchanges, trbute, and sacrifice. and m specialized Institutions such as cI~n organizations, caste, slavery, or kingship. Production Looking at people and their things in terms of exchange and the sodal relations that surround it is one important way anthropologists have approached eS and do not belong to others, Consumption does not come niitUlally, then, but is something we have to learn. and what: one society learns to value might not be the same as v.tJat another society learns to villue. Agood example of this inmlves '" what we might call, foll(M'ing Alfred GelI, 'exotic consumerism' ,john was giving one of his Mi!(tec friends, who had been I;"ing in Tennessee, a ride back to Mexko In john's car, On the day they were to leave the friend shoNed up with three televiSion sets. a hairdr)('r, a chain saw,a gasolne lantern, two 'boom boxes', a microphone, and sundry olher electronic equipment, all used and most of it not working very well(if at all), After spending quite some time trying to fit the load in the car, john turned to his friend In frustration and said 'IGln't bellevt> you want to bring all this junk back with you, especial)' sioee your tow-n doesn't have electrkity,'lilter, when john visited hiSfriend 's house in an isolated area of the MixteGl, he sawall these items in the house, with most of them set up on tables and 5helves almost like museum pieces, These were meant to be artefacts of the man's travels. and they were meant In displ", his abll~y to consume Western electronic gear, Six months later john gave the same friend a ride back to the United States, This time It • was john who f~led up the car, with pottery, bark paintings, woven rugs ;and blankets, straw baskets, and papier mache figures, His Mixtec friend, after spending eight hours balancing a large pot on his lap, got out of the car and using almost the same language john had used six months earlier, said In frustrillion 'Ican't believe you bought all this Junk to bring back with you, especiilily since you never use a ~ of these pots forcooklngl' Money and Markets 'Money', as Cyndllauper reminds US, 'money changes everything', In the poIitksof reciprocity and exchange of simple societies the 'economk' value of a transaction is subordNted to the social relationship created by the transaction, In an important seose, each transaction Is as unique as the individuals Cflll'I'ing into the exchange, Broni~aw Ma~oowski observed the Trobriand tslandelS engaged in an elaborate 'ring' of exchanges with other Melanesian islanderswhell.'by individuals travelled long distaoccs to exchange specific kinds of goods with lifelong trading pilrtnelS, As the items Circulated in this 'kula ring ' '" -•z •, ' I.: 13. The weekly market In the Mixtec t(MIn of Santo Tomas Ocotepec. _ Because demand In any one ICM'n Is not high enough to sustain a dai~ ma rIIet. the commu n_II'Sof the region ta ke tu rns spon'iOring a ma rket on a ~ weekly basis. so that the Il'lo,rket In effect rotates through the region. ~ Nuyoo's m.,rket Is held on Sunday. u ] j the history of the transactions ilnd of their previous awnef'i circulated with them. so that each exchange ilnd ('ach object acquired a unique life story. Mooeyalld market exchilnges, the foundation blocks of modern economies. have precisely the opposite effect, and quite deliberately so. Reducing values to a common,standilrdized, cOffl'ertible standard Immensely Increases the efficien •woman has given birth toa child. They are, as the Dou Donggo say, 'the j part of us that did not become human', and they are enviOUS of us ••because of this, That Is why they sometimes act so mischievously and , why they can be placated with the things any human would want: a bit .. of food and drink, a chew of betel, ilnd a Cigarette. The spirits are, In short, parochial, nume rous, and, desp le their origins, in many ways Quile human, The comparison bec:omes even more interesting when we note that until very recently the Bimilne5e had a semi-feudal society in whkh a Sultan at leilSt In theory owroed all the land and, in effect, ali the people In il. An ordinary per50ll depended on the Sultan or hisarislOCraDc subordinates lor the llery means of productm lor his livelihood. The relationship between ruler and ruled wilS very much characlefized as the relalmshlp between a father ilnd his children - a metaphor not coincidentally also applied to the relationship between God and humans, The Sultan, moreover, was no ordinary human, but royalty, and quite unlike common folk from whom he differs by nature and by birth, Dou Donggo society, In contrast, has always been an egalitarian '" 15. An Olleflng to the Spirit s 01t he Mountain. Ama Balo makes an offering 01rice wine. rice. betel. tooaC(l), and a chicken to the spirits 01the .101/•• Ihe piKe on t he mountain where the convnunlty has planted swidden rice. The offering. placed (Nl ~ rude Iray ... the Ion.: 01a bt"anch erected in the wil. is Intended 10 propitiate the spirits of the place w that the rice may grow and be harvested In peace. one, relations among neighbours being compared to relations among siblings, Subsistence depend ~ on the cultivation of land communally owned I:¥ the village as a whole, not by a single sOYereign, Kin and neighbours are both I1eIp and trouble in one's life, So although the connection Is not eltplkitly made, religiOn and society are both models of each other and models (< •j ••religion, A crude way 01putting this idea is that religious rituals are , Instances 01 'society worshipping itself', w h~ e at the same time creating .. Intense personal communal ex periences that corti rm socialsolidarity. Other scholars, taking a less determWlistic approach, have emphasized the way religion moblizes groups and individuals to get through crises and other dlffkult events. In ritts 0(pasSogt, for example, the problematic transition of individllills from one kind of sodal identity to another is effected through what are often the most elabofate rituals practised In a society. Arnold van Gennep, a student of European folklore. suggested we think 01 society as a large house with many rooms, each room symbolizjng a different social status. Rites of passage lllOYe people from one room to another, allowing them to shed an old status and acqu..e a new one. In the course 01these lTansitions. ceremonies are held which are designed to remove individllills from the old status and bestow upon them the insignia 01the new one, often employing metaphor~ of deerstltloo.ln Magic, Witchcro(r, and Orodf'S among the AZ!Jnde. British sodal anthropologist E. E. Evans-PT-itchard described a people who regard al misfortune as a consequence 01witcher..t. .n a famolli example Evans-Pritchard tells of how sever.llAzande were killed when a granary dooIway collapsed. The mode attributed their deaths to witchcraft. Evans-Pritchard pointed out that the doorwayilad heeo '" weakened by termites, We understand that,' he Wil'i told, 'But why did those particular people happen to be sitting in the doolWay at j~t the moment when It collapsed? That's the witchcraft!' Westerners woukl ascribe the misfortune In this to 'cOincidence' or 'chance', which, when you think of It, Is no explanatiOn at all. Accepting the premi§e of witchcraft as a reality, the Azande explanation is not only logical and rational. It prOliides a moral meaning fOf what has happened. Moreover. the Azande have a highly developed set of oracular procedures for determining who the source of the witchcraft is aocl in pre--.emetlts come iu and go with little long-term effect - hils relatively little to do with the prophets. who appear with surprising regularity, but more to do with 1 the development 01a group of supporters who are able to instituj tiollillize the mOtiement, sometimes even marginalizing or remOtiing the prophet from a position of actualauthority. Max Weber called this ·routlnlzatlon'. Aparticularly good example of this is the Churchof jesus Christ of t atter Oay Saints, popularty knONn as the Mormon Church. The orlgillill prophet. joseph Smith, who in 1827 had revealed to him a new Gospel which he and his followef1 ~t do\.vn as the Bode cfMormoo. was murdered by an anti-Mormon mob while he was under arrest in a county jail. Soon afterwards, 8ngham Young aSSlrned leadership. and. among other things, rnovt!d most d the followers of the Church to an Isolated region In the American West, created an effective church boreaucracy and system 01 rWlance, and made the leader of the Church the authoritative arbiter 01revelatiOn, whiCh had not been true in the time of Joseph Smith. It is due in no small part to 8righam Young's 1115100 that the Mormon Church is today the fastest growing and most su:cessful religious r1"I<>-.emetlt in the Americas. '" Religious Belief and Economic Behaviour The other major contribution Max Weber made to the study of religion was his exploration of the relationship between religious belief systems and economic behaviour. Many ~aders may be familiar with weber's characterization of the role played by the Protestant Refonnation in the rise of European capitalism. Here Weber tried to show that emerging CaNnist beliefs about preOestill(ltiOn and material success in the world were Intricately bound up in the rise of capitalism in northern Europe. Weber was ca~ful not to SiJ'I that the Reb-mation caused capitalism or vice YrfSO. Bt.t he did show that ideology and beliefs were not 5imply a side effect 01economic !,,"ocesses. as Marx suggested. In an Int e~stlng parallel exercise. Clifford Geertz looked at economic behav lour and religious be ~el in central Java. There, he noted, a profound local ethic of 'shared poverty. that prompted people to redistribute their wealth among as many relatives and neighbours as possible and made the accumulation 01capital all but impossible, changed when the advent of the steamship made travel to Mecca feasille to rordinary Javanese Muslims. With the posSibility of fulfilling an Important religious obligation - making a once-in·a· lifetime pilgrimage to Mecca - people had a good reasoo and a plausible excuse to accumulate rather than share their profrts. Having made the pilgrimage. returning hajls ( •j ••,• 16. Ely Parker Ely S. Parker, Seneca Chief. Engineer and Union GenelCll (1828-1905) Ely S. Parker. also known •j ••,• Islam rmy leave the Impression that localiud systems of belief are being replaced by more aggressive world reigions. Most of the Mixtec of Santiago N~oowould today identify themselves as Catholics and look to their parish priest lor guidance in spiritual matters. Yet despill' having been mlssionlzed lor hundreds 01)'e(lrs by C(lthoiic Chun:::h personnel. the Mi)(tec di5play a surprising range Ii unorthodac. understandings of Catholicism. )esus Christ, for ex.ample, whom Catholic priests descriled as ·the light Ii the wond· has been identified by the Mitte<: and other Mesoamerican people with the Sun. The Sun is an ancient Mesoamerican deity who s.Kriftced himself so that light and heat might extend over the world: the Sun continues to suffer a dailydeath as it sets at night to be reborn In the morning. The Mi)(te<: in effect rmpped the Passion ofChrist onto their Ideu about the Sun, allowing greater .f resonance for both. Thus they locate Bethlehem, where Christ was born. ' 1.: In the east. while they locate Jerusalem, where Christ died, in the west. _ where the Sun sets. This kind of rethinking of one faith in terms of iu another can graN to the point where distinct belief systems emerge. Such faiths were once labelled syncretiStic by anthropologists, who now 1 avoid the term since all faiths, !!\len the most orthodox fonns of the j world religions. are historical mixtures of dive rse be ~efs and practices. In any !!\lent. this continuing reinterpretation d the be liefs and practk:es ofworld religions In loaIl terms operates in stCha w(ly that it is doubtful that any world religion could ever achieve as high a level of orthodoxy among its members as it might wish. Coupled with missionizing strategies that iKtlvelt seek to create connections with local beliefs. it can result In it situation where the people of a particular religion share a faith In name only. Chapter 8 -Nanuu Maria Gets Hit by Lightning: People and Their Selves While on a visit to Nuyoo In 1994 john viSited N~nuu Mana LOpez, who had provided him with meals when he had r....t visited Nuyoo a decade eartier. By this time she was quite old and John asked her how she was doing. She replied that she had been Sick for several months owing to a terrible bum she had received. Thinking her house had caught fire john Immediately asked after the other members of her family. who, she said. were fine: what had happened was she had been hit by ~ghtnlng while out In the fields. later on john commented on this chance event and Maria's miraculous survival to her neighbours, who professed to know nothing about her being hit by lightning. One young man. however, who kroew something 3001.( the incident. jumped in and said he knew that she had been asleep in her house when the lightning struck: it was her 'aniffioll' (kili nwi) which had been hit by the bolt. The Mlxtec, like other MesoomeriC.lalns good and bad luck, sudden and even deadly illnesses, the nature ofdreams, and even why some individuals have more wealth .f and power than others, since those with big, ferOCiOUS anmals such as ' 1.: Jaguars stand higher in the social hierarchy than those with small, _ Innocuous animals such as rabbits. iu Mlxtec thus dearly conceive their selves - their essential being in the 1 world - as not being bounded by the body. Maria is linked to her kiti nuvi j not as one discrete whole is linked to another, as one of uo; feels linkiod to a lover or a child, but as a fellow creature whose experiences are hers and who shares ilef experiences in its own dreams.lxrth in a p/"rfsical as well as a psychlcwiJf. In contretween hot and cold necessary for a healthy lile. Chronic fatigue, nervous tension, stomach disturbances, and headaches may result from an attack of bllis, Broln fog: lound In West Africa among high·school and unl· versity students overwhelmed by dan work. Sufferers may have trouble concentrating, remembering. and thinking. and may feel pain, pressure, or tightness around the head and neck and a blurring of vision. John and Peter have found a similar syndrome among undergraduate students in the United States. Evl eye; although once found throughout Europe, nO'N strongly associated with Mediterranean societies. It is the notion that envy or strong feelings of desire c.an .adversely affect other people. especially children , or damage material possessions. Symptoms Include fitful sleep, diarrhoea, and vomiting. Ghost skkness: In Native American societies, bad dreams. weak· ness,loss 01appetite, fainting, fear, and depresSion su ffered as a result of dose contact with a cor!»e. Hwo-byung; 'anger-syndrome' in Korea: insomnia. fatigue. panic. lear ofdeath, Indigestion, generalized pain caused by the suppression of anger, Koro: the fear among south and ea\t Asian populations that a man's penis wilt recede Into his body or a woman's vulva or nipples will recede Into her body. In both cases it can lead to death. .'"• f,o ~ •" I •• PilNoktoq: found in Inuit communities, also known as 'arctic hysteria.' It Involves a sudden attack, la\ting up to one half hour, where the Individual may tear off clothing, break things. shout obscenities, nee into the cold, and perform other dangerous and Irrational acts. This is then followed by cOflvuisive seizures and coma lasting up to twelve houn. The sufferer will typically report complete arlVlesia for the attack. Shen-I(uel: found among Chinese populations, a variety of pains, weakoess. insomnia, and dizziness attributed to acesslve loss of semen, Spell: found In the southern United States, a trance state in which Individuals communicate with deceased relatives or spiro Its, It can be associated with brief pefiods of personality change. Tojln kyofu5ho: In Japan, a paralysing fear that others will find one's body or its functions embarrauing or offensive. lor. In North Africa and the Middle East, the idea that possession by a spirit causes apathy and withdrawal. Initially those possessed e~perlence bouts of crying, laughing, or singing. Some develop a long-term reiation\hip with their possessing spirit, giving them the powerto cure and divine. DIagnostic and Stat\stlul Manu;>l of Mental Disorden of theAmeriun PsydllWJc As!Odiltion female, 5iwe, Some individuals, hq.vever, who in our society would probably be called transgenclered, are regarded as persons who were Intended to become one gender but ended up being born in the body d a per500 oJ the opposite gender, They are rfI('f1 who are 'S«t! siwe', who 'missed at becoming female ', or women who are 'Stra mane', who 'missed at becoming male', 6e~g sera SM-e or sora mane is regarded as neither shameful or perverse, it is simply an aspect of an ind;..idual's sell, a product of birth ~ke eye colour or stabJre. For such individuals the usual se~ual dlvlsloo of labour observed by the Dou Dooggo is ignored: ,.. one sara siwt in Doro Ntik~ bec~me ~ noted we~ver, ~n occupation ordinarily the exclusive domain of women; this person aiso dressed as a young woman and joined the young women of the vilage in harvesting rke. In another Instance a SIIro mont' decided 10 accompany the men of the village when they went off to do the heavy labour of clearing the fields In which the vllage would plelnt their swidden rice that ye~r. The men made no objection, ~Ithough they seemed to md It amusing th~t the SIIro manewould want to take on wch an arduous task. But ~t the end of the day. when they weI\' returning to the vi'age aU of them stopped at a bathing pool in the river reserW'tes Tropl?ue5 (Athenaeum. 1955: In English translati(IrJ 1961). There are a number d contemporary critical biographies Anthropologist os Author(Stanlord Uni~sity Press, 1985). James Oifford assembled an Important set 01articles abotlt ethnographic writing In v.titing Cultur~ The Poetics ond Politics 0( Ethnography (University of California Press. 1986). George Marcus and Michael fischer combined to provide an I~uential critique 01ethnographic methods and writing in Anthropology os Culluml Critique (Uni~sity of Chicago Press. 1986) ....tJlle Marcus has recently edited an arthology of critical essays. Critirol '" Anthropology Now (School of Americ~n Rese~rch Press, 1999). First published In French between 18)5 and 1840, ~ee Alexis de Tocqueville's Demoaadllf:tion to the Social Scitnces (Blackwell. ' 985) provides a good general 124-5 Maine. Henry 6] Malinowski. Bronislaw 'Xl. 55. 56; biography 56; circular exchange (kua ring) 11S: culture 39; doctrine 01 needs 59.61; functionalism theory 57; Oedipal theory of matriarchy 87; RaddiffeBrown's rejection of sB market exchange 115-1lI rmrriage 75-8; bricleprice 81; cousin 83; Oahomey 80-1; OOOggo n-81.8]; dowry 79; Goodenough 82; Levi·Strauss 8s: levirate 79-80; monogamy 8,-2; Nuyoo 76-7; Dnan 80, 85; polyandrous 8,; po/ygyoous 81; sOfOfate 79; types 81: unlvefSality of 81-2: wealth Items 79: same sex 80 MarK. Karl 44. 61- 2. 103. 113-14 maternity. partible. Nuyoo 85-6 matriarchy 87. '42 matrlineal87 Mauss. Marcel. classifICation theory 40 maya-domo. Nuyoo 107 mechanical solidarity 6]. go Melane5ia: millenary l1lOYemert. World War 11125 Mesoamerican concept of dest lrlf 133- 6 Mexico 7: Mexico Oly 10: Nuyoo 10-11.66-70.76-7. 85-6 . '07- 9. 126- g: Santa Maria Yucuhlli 9: Santiago Nuyoo see Nuyoo 9: Yuculta 8 millenary mO\lements 125- 6 minorities 99 Mlxtec: art 9: attitudes toward food ] 8-40: language 9: population decline In '0: religious Identity 127-]0: sell 131- 2. 1]S-6: transnational 100: Mtl nUllil]"'2 Mlxteca g- l1: map r. 8 mod ~n societies. definitions 67-8 Modesto Velasco family II modesty female 144 Modjokuto Project 29 moiety 101 I1'IOfIeY 115-18: restricted use .,8 m monogamy 8,-2 Morgan. lewiS Henry 1. 6]: land ofthe Iroquoisl29 Mormon Church 126 motives. disguised 1]-21 Murphy. Robert syslffi'lallzation in culture 45. 62 N Nakane. Chie 106 naming. Dou D0ngg094-S national identity and culture 47-8 nationalism. anthropology and 100-1: collective representation and 92 Native American: clan 6]: ghost Sickness 1]9: minenary movements 125-6: northwest coast In: Plains 105: race g?: see asoAmerindians nature vs. nurture 48 Navaho, avoidance behaviour 5/ Na~i use of anthropology 99 Ncuhi 95, '4l-2 New Guinea 46, 56. 8]. 1]8. '42; family 8]; gender relations 14'; Sambia 1.]8; Trobriand Islands ,.Nggahi Mbojo (Bmanese language) 6 non·kinship groups 101 non·unilineal descent 88 Northwest coast potlatch nt nuclear family 8]-5 -•• Nuyoo 10-11. 66-70. 76-7.85-6. 107-9. 130-J: animals 1]1-J: clvll-relgious hierarchy In 67-8. elders 67-8. rtesta 107-9: marriage In 76-7; ma)'Ordomos l OT. Nanuu Maria lopez 131: paref1thood 85-6; reciPfocal exchange (500 5(7'0) '07-9; religious Identity '27-30; witchcraft 108 Nu)OOtecos 9. 11 o obJectivity. ethnographic 26-)0 • i.: offering. photograph lJJ 1 Dnan 81-J. 85 Ofganlc solidarity 63-4. go i Ofganlzatlons 101-J. 104-5 u ] p j paranoid schizophrenic culture 44 Parker. Ely 128: biography 129 participant observation ' 3. 27 paternity. partible. ~oo 85-6 patriarchy 86-7. 14J patrilineal descent 86-7 Patterns q CtJture 44 Pi!rez Pi!rez family II Pi!rez Sarabia family II peasants 113 Pigs (or the Anctstors. as example of systematization 45-6 placenta. spirits of 121 polyandry 81 poIYG)'ly 81 post·modernism 69 potlatch In Punan 105 R race <)6-9 Raddiffe.8rown. A. R. 60; biOgraphy 58; joking and iJ\Ioidance relations <;!. 59 Rappaport. Roy 45-6 reciprocity. Donggo '09-10: Just and Amyn ' 09-10; Melanesian II); Nuyoo 10/'-9; politics of 111-12 Reformation. Protestant. economic themy of II? relativism: cognitive 49: cultural 49-52 religion 120-)0: rites of passage 120: reWgious leaders 1'9-21 religious mCNements 125- 6 representation. collective "'.revitalization rTl()\('ffi('fIts 126 rice. oou oonggo attitude toward 1]4-5; halVest 135 rites of passage 123-4 Rivers. W. H. R. I? IOUtinization 12) rules theory 45 5 soo so'o, Nuyoo 10]-9 Sambia, sex among 1)8 Santa Maria Yucuhiti 9 Santiago Nuyoo see Nu)OO Sapir, Edward 49 saromone 140,'4'- 2 saro siwe '40, 14'- 2 self. cultural varlatioo ') '-4) semen 86, 1) 8 Seneca Indians: General Ely S. Parl